The Bill of Rights, Updated

You probably once knew (and have since forgotten) that there were 12 amendments in Bill of Rights, as originally proposed. Here’s the story, in brief:

On September 25, 1789, the First Congress of the United States . . . proposed to the state legislatures 12 amendments to the Constitution that met arguments most frequently advanced against it. The first two proposed amendments, which concerned the number of constituents for each Representative and the compensation of Congressmen, were not ratified. Articles 3 to 12, however, ratified by three-fourths of the state legislatures, constitute the first 10 amendments of the Constitution, known as the Bill of Rights.

Lo and behold, the Bill of Rights actually comprises 11 amendments — not 10, but 11. How’s that? The original Second Amendment was ratified 13 years ago:

AMENDMENT XXVII

Originally proposed Sept. 25, 1789. Ratified May 7, 1992.

No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.

That’ll help you sleep better at night, no?

Bits of Economic Wisdom

From yesterday’s edition of the local rag:

Race for oil heats up
Fueled by big profits, companies expand their search.

The reference to “profits” is meant pejoratively, no doubt. But what the heck, at least they got it right: the quest for profits leads to investment, which leads to greater output, which means higher real incomes and more jobs.

Meanwhile, Maverick Philosopher observes:

In this season especially we ought to find a kind word to say about the much maligned Ebeneezer Scrooge. Here’s mine: Without Scrooge, that bum Cratchit wouldn’t have a job!

Precisely.

Econbrowser offers this observation:

[H]ourly traffic count data compiled by the Federal Highway Administration suggest that the August gas price increases held U.S. highway travel in August 2005 to the same level as in the corresponding month of 2004, while the September price spikes led to a significant drop in car travel. . . .

Cafe Hayek weighs in with this:

. . . People want freedom not just to do great and momentous things. Mostly, they want freedom to pursue their everyday pleasures and dreams and interests as they wish without interference from others. . . .

Ain’t it great that Frank Perdue cared about the water his chickens drank? Ain’t it great that he bred a new breed of chicken? Sure, he did all this to make money for himself. But so what? His means of making money inspired him to care deeply about what the typical chicken eater likes and dislikes about chicken.

Why is it that so many people admire the likes of FDR and LBJ who uttered fine phrases but whose ideas of helping people never went beyond stealing from some, showering part of the booty on others, and bureaucratically regulating everyone?

Amen to all of that.

For related posts, go here and follow the links.

Brunettes

Hedy Lamarr


Catherine Zeta-Jones

Can You Read This?

Can you read this?

Olny srmat poelpe can.

I cdnuolt blveiee taht I cluod aulaclty uesdnatnrd waht I was rdanieg. The phaonmneal pweor of the hmuan mnid, aoccdrnig to a rscheearch at Cmabrigde Uinervtisy, it deosn’t mttaer in waht oredr the ltteers in a wrod are, the olny iprmoatnt tihng is taht the frist and lsat ltteer be in the rghit pclae. The rset can be a taotl mses and you can sitll raed it wouthit a porbelm. Tihs is bcuseae the huamn mnid deos not raed ervey lteter by istlef, but the wrod as a wlohe. Amzanig huh? yaeh and I awlyas tghuhot slpeling was ipmorantt!

if you can raed tihs psas it on!!

(Thanks to my brother, who forwarded this to me.)

The Pathology of Academic Leftism

Daniel B. Klein (George Mason University) and Charlotta Stern (University of Stockholm) delve deeper than the obvious fact that most academics are persons of the left. From the summary of Klein and Stern’s paper, “Narrow-Tent Democrats and Fringe Others: The Policy Views of Social Science Professors” (pp. 43-5 in the pdf version):

. . . .

• The Democratic domination has increased significantly since 1970. Republicans are being eliminated. . . .

• The Democrats not only dominate, but they have a narrow tent. Whereas the Republicans usually have diversity on an issue, the Democrats very often have a party line. It is clear that there is significantly more diversity under the Republican tent.

• On the whole, the Democrats and Republicans are quite statist.

• Economists are measurably less statist, but most of them are still quite statist.

• Economists show the least consensus on policy issues. The differences between Democrats and Republicans are largest in economics, and the standard deviations are largest. . . .

• Younger professors tend to be slightly less statist than older professors.

• We find strong evidence that Republican scholars are more likely to be sorted out of academia.

• Voting D[emocrat] is significantly correlated with having Democratic parents, being employed in academia, being an anthropologist or sociologist, having statist policy views, and having a more recent degree. . . .

• Simple measures show that the libertarians are quite exceptional. The minimum of the dissimilarities between them and any other group is greater than the maximum of dissimilarity between any pair of other groups.

The “liberal versus conservative” formulation of American politics omits the libertarians from the landscape. . . . If freedom is a core political value, then there is something very wrong with a formulation that omits the ideology most aligned with that value.

Well, freedom is not a core political value for most of today’s social-science academics, as Klein and Stern amply demonstrate.

The Constitution and Warrantless "Eavesdropping"

FOUR LINKS ADDED, 12/22/05
ONE LINK ADDED, 12/23/05
ONE LINK ADDED, 12/24/05
TWO LINKS ADDED, 12/28/05

. . . no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. (Amendment IV, Constitution of the United States)

Apropos the flap about NSA intercepts of international phone calls, there’s this from Prof. William J. Stuntz of Harvard Law:

. . . When the Fourth Amendment was written, the sole remedy for an illegal search or seizure was a lawsuit for money damages. Government officials used warrants as a defense against such lawsuits. Today a warrant seems the police officer’s foe — one more hoop to jump through — but at the time of the Founding it was the constable’s friend, a legal defense against any subsequent claim. Thus it was perfectly reasonable to specify limits on warrants (probable cause, particular description of the places to be search and the things to be seized) but never to require their use. (From the “Warrant Clause” article in The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, pp. 326-9.)

Thus, by the original meaning of the Constitution, all warrantless searches may be permissible. Judges and legislators have so changed the meaning of the Constitution that, instead, these views are prevalent: government cannot conduct searches without a warrant; warrantless searches are “invasions of privacy.” Moreover, there is — especially among “civil libertarians,” anti-American Americans, and right-wing loonies — a preference for an undifferentiated right to “privacy” (which is not guaranteed by the Constitution) over “the common defence” (to provide for which the Constitution was adopted). Antidotes to such views may be found here:

President had legal authority to OK taps
(Chicago Tribune)
Our domestic intelligence crisis (Richard A. Posner)
Several posts by Tom Smith of The Right Coast (start here and scroll up)
Eavesdropping Ins and Outs (Mark R. Levin, writing at National Review Online)
The FISA Act And The Definition Of ‘US Persons’ (Ed Morrissey of Captain’s Quarters)
A Colloquy with the Times (John Hinderaker of Power Line)
September 10 America (editorial at National Review Online)
A Patriot Acts (Ben Stein, writing at The American Spectator)
More on the NSA Wiretaps (Dale Franks of QandO)
The President’s War Power Includes Surveillance (John Eastman, writing at The Remedy)
Warrantless Intelligence Gathering, Redux (UPDATED) (Jeff Goldstein, writing at Protein Wisdom)
FISA Court Obstructionism Since 9/11 (Ed Morrissey of Captain’s Quarters)
FISA vs. the Constitution (Robert F. Turner, writing at OpinionJournal)

Related posts:

War, Self-Defense, and Civil Liberties (a collection of posts)
Prof. Bainbridge Flunks (11/15/05)
Prof. Bainbridge and the War on Terror (12/18/05)

Ockham’s Razor in the Age of Statistics

In philosophy, ontology . . . is the most fundamental branch of metaphysics. It studies being or existence as well as the basic categories thereof—trying to find out what entities and what types of entities exist. Ontology has strong implications for the conceptions of reality. (From Wikipedia‘s article about “Ontology.”)

[O]ntological parsimony. . . is summed up in the famous slogan known as “Ockham’s Razor,” often expressed as “Don’t multiply entities beyond necessity.” Although the sentiment is certainly Ockham’s, that particular formulation is nowhere to be found in Ockham’s texts. Moreover, as usually stated, it is a sentiment that virtually all philosophers, medieval or otherwise, would accept; no one wants a needlessly bloated ontology. The question, of course, is which entities are needed and which are not. (From an article about “William of Ockam” at Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.)

The question of which entities are needed and which are not is today an empirical one. If phenomenon “A” can be explained by the observed operation of factors X and Y, then factor Z should be not be introduced to the explanation unless doing so leads to an unambiguously better explanation of A. Determining whether or not the explanation is unambiguously better requires a robust test of the predictive powers of the two competing theories: the one with X and Y as predictors; the other with X, Y, and Z as predictors.

Ockham’s Razor, then, is a prudent, pre-statistical rule for choosing the preferred explanation of a phenomenon.

Anarchy: An Empty Concept

Anarchy is “a political theory holding all forms of governmental authority to be unnecessary and undesirable and advocating a society based on voluntary cooperation and free association of individuals and groups.” (From Merriam-Webster, via Wikiquote.)

. . . The word “anarchy,” as anarchists use it, does not imply chaos or anomie, but rather a harmonious rulerless society. However, ideas about how an anarchist society might work vary considerably, especially with respect to economics. Also, there is disagreement about how a free society might be brought about. (From a Wikipedia article about “Anarchism.”)

The state is “the group of people comprising the government. . . .” (From TheFreeDictionary)

Politics is the process by which decisions are made within groups. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. (From the Wikipedia article on “Politics.”)

A group of persons consists of a voluntary association as long as each member of the group is free to leave the group. The fact that leaving the group might result in a hardship for the leaver (e.g., relocation to an area with less fertile ground) does not negate the group’s voluntary character. Those who choose to stay do so because membership in the group best serves their interests. Acceptance of annoyances (e.g., noisy neighbors) in return for benefits (e.g., division of labor) is simply an inescapable fact of life.

A group of persons may be said to live in anarchy only if all of the rules that affect everyone in the group (e.g., where to live, how best to defend the group against predators) are made by unanimous, informed consent, which might be tacit. It follows, then, that a group might — by unanimous, informed consent — give a subset of its members the authority to make such decisions. The group’s members might delegate such authority, willingly and unanimously, because each member believes it to be in his or her best interest to do so. (The reasons for that belief might vary, but they probably would include the notion of comparative advantage; that is, those who are not in the governing subset would have time to pursue those activities at which they are most productive.) With a governing subset — or government — the group would no longer live in anarchy, even if the group remains harmonious and membership in it remains voluntary.

The government becomes illegitimate only when it exceeds its grant of authority and resists efforts to curb those excesses or to redefine the grant of authority. The passage of time, during which there are changes in the group’s membership, does not deligitimate the government as long as the group’s new members voluntarily assent to governance. Voluntary assent, as discussed above, may consist simply in choosing to remain a member of the group.

Now, ask yourself how likely it is that a group larger than, say, a nuclear family or a band of hunter-gatherers might choose to go without a government. Self-interest dictates that even relatively small groups will choose — for reasons of economy, if nothing else — to place certain decisions in the hands of a government.

All talk of anarchy as a viable option to limited government is nothing more than talk. Empy talk, at that.

Clinton Derangement Syndrome

A recent exchange with a reader reminds me of a post from July of last year, in which I said that the “virulence of the anti-Bush crowd (horde, really) reminds me of the virulence of the anti-Clintonistas.” I must say that the anti-Clintonistas had — and have — good cause; for example:

1. Clinton won in 1992 because Ross Perot (or pee-rot, as Texans say it) siphoned votes from G.H.W. Bush. (That’s roughly parallel to what happened in 2000, except that the Nader vote was minuscule compared with the Perot vote.) But that’s only the beginning.

2. Clinton made political hay from the tragedy in Oklahoma City by equating Timothy McVeigh’s violent, anti-government act (a protest of the tragedy in Waco) with conservatives’ legitimate call for less intrusive government.

3. Clinton piled on later in the same year by blaming the (partial) government shutdown on Republicans, though it was Clinton who vetoed the spending bill that caused the shutdown.

4. Clinton lied under oath in a case that was brought under a law that he signed. He escaped removal from office for doing so only because Democrat senators refused to acknowledge the facts of the case.

5. Clinton, as ex-president, lately has been critical of a war that he threatened to wage when he was president. Typical two-faced Bill.

That’s enough for now. Clinton derangement syndrome is beginning to obscure my true, forgiving nature.

The Media’s Measurable Bias

REVISED, 10:30 AM

The University of California toutsA Measure of Media Bias” (Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 120, No. 4), by Tim Groseclose of UCLA and Jeffrey Milyo of the University of Missouri:

Abstract: We measure media bias by estimating ideological scores for several major media outlets. To compute this, we count the times that a particular media outlet cites various think tanks and policy groups, then compare this with the times that members of Congress cite the same groups. Our results show a strong liberal bias: all of the news outlets we examine, except Fox News’ Special Report and the Washington Times, received scores to the left of the average member of Congress. Consistent with claims made by conservative critics, CBS Evening News and the New York Times received scores far to the left of center. The most centrist media outlets were PBS NewsHour, CNN’s Newsnight, and ABC’s Good Morning America; among print outlets, USAToday was closest to the center. All of our findings refer strictly to news content; that is, we exclude editorials, letters, and the like. . . .

Our results show a strong liberal bias. All of the news outlets except Fox News’ Special Report and the Washington Times received a score to the left of the average member of Congress. And a few outlets, including the New York Times and CBS Evening News, were closer to the average Democrat in Congress than the center. These findings refer strictly to the news stories of the outlets. That is, we omitted editorials, book reviews, and letters to the editor from our sample. . . .

To compute our measure, we count the times that a media outlet cites various think tanks and other policy groups. We compare this with the times that members of Congress cite the same think tanks in their speeches on the floor of the House and Senate. By comparing the citation patterns we can construct an ADA score for each media outlet. . . .

Over this period [1995-99] the mean score of the Senate (after including phantom D.C. senators and weighting by state population) varied between 49.28 and 50.87. The mean of these means was 49.94. The similar figure for the House was 50.18. After rounding, we use the midpoint of these numbers, 50.1, as our estimate of the adjusted ADA score of the centrist United States voter. . . .

I would consider an ADA score below 40 to be unbiased, that is, anchored in a correct understanding of how the world works and ought to work. I base that criterion on the ADA scores of legislators who cite think tanks. Consider, from Table I of the Groseclose-Milyo paper, the following average ADA scores for legislators who cite nonsectarian conservative-libertarian think tanks: American Conservative Union 32.0; American Enterprise Institute, 36.6; Americans for Tax Reform, 18.7; Cato Institute 36.3; Citizens Against Government Waste, 36.3; Heritage Foundation, 20.0; Hoover Institution, 36.5; Hudson Institute, 25.3; National Federation of American Businesses, 26.8; National Taxpayers Union, 34.3.

The following table highlights ADA scores for selected legislators and gives the average ADA scores for Democrats and Republicans (in boldface). The average scores indicate that Congress’s polarization is as real as the media’s leftward bias.

TABLE II
Average Adjusted ADA Scores of Legislators

Legislator – Average score
Maxine Waters (D-CA) – 99.6
Ted Kennedy (D-MA) – 88.8
John Kerry (D-MA) – 87.6
average Democrat – 84.3
Tom Daschle (D-SD) – 80.9
Joe Lieberman (D-CT) – 74.2
Constance Morella (R-MD) – 68.2
Ernest Hollings (D-SC) – 63.7
John Breaux (D-LA) – 59.5
Christopher Shays (R-CT) – 54.6
Arlen Specter (R-PA) – 51.3
James Leach (R-IA) – 50.3
Howell Heflin (D-AL) – 49.7
Tom Campbell (R-CA) – 48.6
Sam Nunn (D-GA) – 48.0
Dave McCurdy (D-OK) – 46.9
Olympia Snowe (R-ME) – 43.0
Susan Collins (R-ME) – 39.3
Charlie Stenholm (D-TX) – 36.1
Rick Lazio (R-NY) – 35.8
Tom Ridge (R-PA) – 26.7
Nathan Deal (D-GA) – 21.5
Joe Scarborough (R-FL) – 17.7
average Republican – 16.1
John McCain (R-AZ) – 12.7
Bill Frist (R-TN) – 10.3
Tom Delay (R-TX) – 4.7

Now for the bottom line. Recall that the following scores are based on news content — not editorials, book reviews, or letters the editor — thus the seemingly anomalous results for the Drudge Report and Wall Street Journal.

TABLE IV
Rankings Based on Distance from Center

Rank – Media outlet – Estimated ADA score
1 – Newshour with Jim Lehrer – 55.8
2 – CNN NewsNight with Aaron Brown – 56.0
3 – ABC Good Morning America – 56.1
4 – Drudge Report – 60.4
5 – Fox News’ Special Report with Brit Hume – 39.7
6 – ABC World News Tonight – 61.0
7 – NBC Nightly News – 61.6
8 – USA Today – 63.4
9 – NBC Today Show – 64.0
10 – Washington Times – 35.4
11 – Time Magazine – 65.4
12 – U.S. News and World Report – 65.8
13 – NPR Morning Edition – 66.3
14 – Newsweek – 66.3
15 – CBS Early Show – 66.6
16 – Washington Post – 66.6
17 – LA Times – 70.0
18 – CBS Evening News – 73.7
19 – New York Times – 73.7
20 – Wall Street Journal – 85.1

Only the Washington Times and Fox News, with ADA scores below 40, meet my criterion for objectivity. The rest are biased to the left by varying degrees, but none of them comes close to objectivity. That is not news, of course. As Groseclose and Milyo note,

[s]urvey research has shown that an almost overwhelming fraction of journalists are liberal. For instance, Elaine Povich [1996] reports that only seven percent of all Washington correspondents voted for George H.W. Bush in 1992, compared to 37 percent of the American public. Lichter, Rothman and Lichter, [1986] and Weaver and Wilhoit [1996] report similar findings for earlier elections. More recently, the New York Times reported that only eight percent of Washington correspondents thought George W. Bush would be a better president than John Kerry. This compares to 51 percent of all American voters. David Brooks notes that for every journalist who contributed to George W. Bush’s campaign, another 93 contributed to Kerry’s campaign.

And it shows up in their reportage. So much for “objective journalism.”

Out of the Past

My mother recently celebrated her 90th birthday. I was unable to be with her for that special occasion, so I tried to find a gift that would especially memorable. I found it in an old photo album that had once been her mother’s:

My mother (right) with her sister, Helen, circa 1926-1928.

I chose this photo because Mom was especially close to Helen, who died 12 years ago. Happy Birthday, Mom.

Religion and Liberty, P.S.

A few days ago I said:

One does not have to be a believer to understand the intimate connection between religion and liberty, about which I have written here and here. Strident atheists of Singer’s ilk like to blame religion for the world’s woes. But the worst abuses of humanity in the 20th century arose from the irreligious and anti-religious regimes of Hitler, Stalin, and Mao.

Ed Driscoll concludes an entry about post-religious Europe with this:

[P]ost-religious societies invariably do little more than replace one form of organized religion with another: an endlessly spiraling bureaucracy that does its best to stifle the believers–and everyone else.

‘Nuff said.

An Insensitive Proposal, or Two

A recent post at Wizbang led me to these observations about parking for handicapped persons:

Unused handicapped parking spaces should be converted to planters for attractive, environmentally correct trees and shrubs (preferably of flowering varieties). Alternatively, all of those unused parking spaces could be metered for general use at, say, $5 an hour. I have no doubt that the spaces would be in almost constant use non-handicapped drivers, most of whom would actually put money in the meters. The proceeds could then be used to provide taxi rides for handicapped drivers, most of whom (in my experience) are a menace to other drivers.

Prof. Bainbridge and the War on Terror

UPDATED 12/18/05

Pseudo-conservative Stephen Bainbridge — last remarked upon here — has once again let down the side. Apropos the leaked story about the use of the NSA to intercept domestic communications, Bainbridge writes:

Okay, the NY Times published a leak:

Months after the Sept. 11 attacks, President Bush secretly authorized the National Security Agency to eavesdrop on Americans and others inside the United States to search for evidence of terrorist activity without the court-approved warrants ordinarily required for domestic spying, according to government officials. Under a presidential order signed in 2002, the intelligence agency has monitored the international telephone calls and international e-mail messages of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people inside the United States without warrants over the past three years in an effort to track possible “dirty numbers” linked to Al Qaeda, the officials said.

Powerline thinks: “The intelligence officials who leaked to the Times should be identified, criminally prosecuted, and sent to prison.” Michelle Malkin opines: “The real headline news is not that President Bush took extraordinary measures to protect Americans in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, but that the blabbermouths at the Times chose to disclose classified information in a pathetically obvious bid to move the Iraqi elections off the front pages.” Hugh Hewitt asks: “Perhaps Special Prosecutor Fitzgerald’s writ could be expanded?”

Leaks are a fact of life. Heck, after the battle of Midway, the Chicago Tribune publishes a story announcing to the world that the US Navy had broken Japanese codes, which makes this leak look like small beer. It’s disingenuous to be shocked about such things. . . .

The word isn’t “shocked,” it’s “outraged.” The leakers and the Times have deliberately exposed a practice that probably has saved the lives of many Americans, both at home and abroad. Leaks may be a fact of life, and so is murder, but that doesn’t make either of them legal or right. Bainbridge has lost his grip on logic.

And there’s more. He goes on to whine about “Coercive interrogations. A gulag of secret prisons.” He’s referring, of course, to the alleged “torture” of unlawful combatants and those formerly “secret” prisons that were exposed recently, also by unlawful leaks to the press.

Tom Smith of The Right Coast comments on the affray:

[H]ere’s my guess of what’s going on. NSA gets the email and phone lists from some big Al Qaeda guy, who had to be water-boarded to hand them over, but that’s another story, and they want to monitor traffic to and from those addresses. Sounds sensible if you want to, say, prevent the release of weaponized death virus 2000 in the land of the free. But wait. Why not just get a warrant? I suspect the reason might be that there are many phone and email addresses you want to monitor. In fact, so many you cannot really even use humans to listen to them. You use classified technology to sift through the volumes of chatter and listen for suspicious patterns, sort of like Gmail searches your emails to see if you are going to Bermuda or interested in refinancing your boat. But it is not really practical to get the Foreign Intelligence court to issue warrants for all those targets. So it is done under a Presidential order instead.

There is probably more involved, but for my money, I am glad the NSA is doing this. I think it is shocking that NSA officials leaked the program to the Times. There really should be an investigation and maybe even a special prosecutor. I mean, really! This is highly sensitive stuff, as sensitive as it gets. Nor is there any particular reason to think any of what NSA did was illegal. We are not talking rogue agents here, but a Presidential finding that sounds like it was thoroughly lawyered up. And noticed to appropriate people in Congress, who knew enough, even in their ethically retarded state, to keep it secret. But no, that’s not enough for the Times. Do they think it’s illegal? How would they know? They just know they don’t like it, so they are going to blow the whole operation sky high. You can bet that all across America, Europe and the Middle East, Al Qaeda is reworking its communications protocols, opting for higher levels of encryption, moving potentially compromised agents around, replacing cell phone chips, moving physical addresses . . . But it’s OK, because the Times has weighed the issue and decided the harm to our national security is outweighed by the extra protection we get for our civil liberties, and they are the experts at making this kind of decision. That is why we elected them, or why they elected themselves.

And of course, the Times publishes the story even though federal officials tell them it will harm national security, and they also time it to have maxium impact on the PATRIOT act debate in the Senate. Is the Times accountable to anybody? Does anybody get to ask them about the ethics of timing publication so as to impact political decisions in Washington? I realize it happens all the time, but jeez, this is an extreme example of it. There really should be an investigation this time. The anti-Bush press and the enemies of the President in the intelligence community need to know they can’t just jeopardize national security by divulging highly sensitive and classified information, just because they sanctify themselves with what they see as high political motives. My bet is that the heros at the Times, if they realized they were not immune from the consequences of breaking the law, assuming, as seems likely, that laws were broken in divulging this stuff, would suddenly become much more circumspect. For really, does anyone really think that if the actions of the Times make it much harder to find out what the cell is doing in San Diego, Chicago or Atlanta, and as a result people die, that the New York Times gives a shit? Even if it happened to other New Yorkers, they would not give a shit, though the names and faces would make nice fodder for a feature of “The Costs of the War on Terror.” I don’t think any given reporter would care if another given reporter ended up being the one who had to jump burning from the building. A lot of people need some serious sorting out on this one.

Has anything illegal happened? I don’t think so. Aggressive interrogation is limited to unlawful combatants. “Secret” prisons are nothing more than detention centers for unlawful combatants, who have to be held somewhere other than Gitmo if they’re to be treated properly as unlawful combatants who really have no right of access to U.S. courts. As for the NSA’s eavesdropping, Mark Levin writes that

[t]he Foreign Intelligence Security Act permits the government to monitor foreign communications, even if they are with U.S. citizens — 50 USC 1801, et seq. A FISA warrant is only needed if the subject communications are wholly contained in the United States and involve a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power.

The reason the President probably had to sign an executive order is that the Justice Department office that processes FISA requests, the Office of Intelligence Policy and Review (OIPR), can take over 6 months to get a standard FISA request approved. It can become extremely bureaucratic, depending on who is handling the request. His executive order is not contrary to FISA if he believed, as he clearly did, that he needed to act quickly. The president has constitutional powers, too.

Undeterred by such considerations, Bainbridge plows ahead:

We’re supposed to be better than this.

“I believe that there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachment of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations.” – James Madison

“The history of liberty is a history of the limitations of governmental power, not the increase of it.” – Woodrow Wilson

“America is great because she is good, and if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.”

Some will say that we need to make trade-offs between liberty and security. But liberty has a price and taking risks is the price we all have to pay if liberty is to be preserved.

“Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” – Patrick Henry

Of the Founders who pledged “their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor” as signers to the Declaration of Independence, five were captured as traitors and tortured before they died; twelve had their homes ransacked and burned; two lost their sons in the Revolutionary War; another had two sons captured; and nine died from wounds or the hardship of the war. But too many want to trade their sacrifices away for a mess of security pottage.

We’re supposed to be better than what? Better than the French at surrendering our lives, liberty, and happiness? Bainbridge chooses to forget that the Founders — and the Framers of the Constitution — risked their lives, fortunes, and families so that Americans could enjoy the blessings of liberty. To do that, Americans must be able to defend themselves from predators of the kind against whom our eavesdropping, interrogation, and imprisonment are directed. A main objective of the Framers was, after all, to “provide for the common defence.” Bainbridge and his ilk have lost sight of that objective. Tom Smith, by contrast, hasn’t lost sight of the objective — as he proves once again in this eloquent post.

UPDATE: Captain Ed has the facts about President Bush’s legal authorization of NSA intercepts within the U.S.

Related posts:

Prof. Bainbridge Flunks (11/15/05)
War, Self-Defense, and Civil Liberties (a collection of posts)

Three Truths for Central Planners

1. When more money doesn’t provide more happiness (call it satisfaction or utility, if you will), people stop trying to earn more money. Until then, more money, by definition, buys more happiness.

2. It is impossible to make interpersonal utility comparisons which show that taking money from the rich and giving it to the poor increases the total sum of happiness. There is no such thing as a social welfare function. Those who think there is such a thing must be willing to submit to robbery by poorer persons.

3. There is no such thing as “the economy”; there are crude aggregate measures of economic activity by individuals and firms. Therefore, leisure per se isn’t “bad” for “the economy.” After all, leisure (when sought) adds to the utility of the person who obtains it. The only time leisure is bad is when someone is taxed to support someone else’s leisure.

Whose Liberties Are We Fighting For?

A few weeks ago the media disclosed “secret” prisons overseas, where the CIA apparently has been holding baddies. That disclosure will lead to “investigations,” which probably will lead to the end of the “secret” prison program.

In the past few days we have had:

  • the disclosure of selective, warrantless NSA intercepts authorized in the aftermath of 9/11
  • a “victory” for those who oppose the use of torture, apparently under any condition
  • the Senate’s refusal (thus far) to extend a few provisions of the Patriot Act that are set to expire December 31.

What we have here is a concerted effort to hinder the U.S. government’s efforts to detect and thwart terrorist plots. All of this sensitivity about “civil liberties” (including the “liberties” of our enemies) reminds me of the complacency that we felt before 9/11.

What will it take to shake us from that complacency? You know what it will take: a successful terrorist attack in the U.S. that might have been prevented had the media and “civil libertarians” not been so successful in their efforts to protect “civil liberties.”

If the media and “civil libertarians” really cared about civil liberties they would not be in favor of vast government programs that suppress social and economic freedoms. They are the enemies of liberty, and — thanks to them — innocent Americans probably will die.

The legitimate function of the state is to protect its citizens from predators and parasites, it is not — as the left and its dupes would have it — to protect predators and parasites.

My View of Warlordism, Seconded

UPDATED 12/18/05

Arnold Kling writes:

The conventional view [of anarchy], which I share, is that peaceful anarchy is insufficiently stable. It gives way to warlordism. Warlordism means a situation in which there is no rule of law. A warlord rules by rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies.

In my view, it only takes one warlord to break up a peaceful anarchy. Once one warlord becomes successful, then it is easy for a second warlord to recruit followers, because people either envy or fear the followers of the first warlord. This process continues until everyone is driven to follow warlords.

To break a warlord equilibrium, you need government. That is the Hobbesian solution–a Leviathan that is capable of suppressing the “war of all against all.”

Government is flawed, . . . [but] I would not want to risk a descent into warlordism.

I ended a post on the same subject with this thought:

A wasteful, accountable, American state is certainly preferable to an efficient, private, defense agency in possession of the same military might. Hitler and Stalin, in effect, ran private defense agencies, and look where that landed the Germans and Russians. Talk about subjugation.

UPDATE: The quotation from Arnold Kling is taken from a series of exchanges between he and his co-blogger Bryan Caplan. There are two more entries in the series, here (Caplan) and here (Kling). Worth reading. Kling has the better of it, in my view.

Other related posts:

Defense, Anarcho-Capitalist Style (09/26/04)
Fundamentalist Libertarians, Anarcho-Capitalists, and Self-Defense (04/22/05)
The Legitimacy of the Constitution (05/09/05)
Another Thought about Anarchy (05/10/05)
Anarcho-Capitalism vs. the State (05/26/05)
Rights and the State (06/13/05)

Peter Singer’s Agenda

Peter Singer, euthanasia enthusiast, is piggy-backing on the Schiavo fiasco. This is from WorldNetDaily:

During the next 35 years, the traditional view of the sanctity of human life will collapse under pressure from scientific, technological, and demographic developments, says controversial bio-ethics professor Peter Singer.


Princeton’s Peter Singer (Photo: The Age)

“By 2040, it may be that only a rump of hard-core, know-nothing religious fundamentalists will defend the view that every human life, from conception to death, is sacrosanct,” says Princeton University’s defender of infanticide. “In retrospect, 2005 may be seen as the year in which that position (of the sanctity of life) became untenable,” he writes in the fall issue of Foreign Policy.

Singer sees 2005’s battle over the life of Terri Schiavo as a key to this changing ethic.

The year 2005 is also significant, at least in the United States, for ratcheting up the debate about the care of patients in a persistent vegetative state,” says Singer. “The long legal battle over the removal of Terri Schiavo’s feeding tube led President George W. Bush and the U.S. Congress to intervene, both seeking to keep her alive. Yet the American public surprised many pundits by refusing to support this intervention, and the case produced a surge in the number of people declaring they did not wish to be kept alive in a situation such as Schiavo’s.”

He writes that by 2040, the Netherlands and Belgium will have had decades of experience with legalized euthanasia, and other jurisdictions will also have permitted either voluntary euthanasia or physician-assisted suicide for varying lengths of time.

“This experience will puncture exaggerated fears that the legalization of these practices would be a first step toward a new holocaust,” he explains. “By then, an increasing proportion of the population in developed countries will be more than 75 years old and thinking about how their lives will end. The political pressure for allowing terminally or chronically ill patients to choose when to die will be irresistible.”

The professor, who advocates killing the disabled up to 28 days after birth, was the subject of protests when he was hired in 1999 by Princeton, a school founded by the Presbyterian denomination. A group calling itself Princeton Students Against Infanticide issued a petition charging the Australian professor “denies the intrinsic moral worth of an entire class of human beings – newborn children.”

Singer also is known for launching the modern animal rights movement with his 1975 book “Animal Liberation,” which argues against “speciesism.” He insists animals should be accorded the same value as humans and should not be discriminated against because they belong to a non-human species.

Yes, people say that they don’t want to share Terri Schiavo’s fate. What many of them mean, of course, is that they don’t want their fate decided by a judge who is willing to take the word of a relative for whom one’s accelerated death would be convenient. Singer dishonestly seizes on reactions to the Schiavo fiasco as evidence that euthanasia will become acceptable in the United States.

Certainly, there are many persons who would prefer voluntary euthanasia to a fate like Terri Sciavo’s. But the line between voluntary and involuntary euthasia is too easily crossed, especially by persons who, like Singer, wish to play God. If there is a case to be made for voluntary euthanasia, Peter Singer is not the person to make it.

Singer gives away his Hitlerian game plan when he advocates killing the disabled up to 28 days after birth. Why not 28 years? Why not 98 years? Who decides — Peter Singer or an acolyte of Peter Singer? Would you trust your fate to the “moral” dictates of a person who thinks animals are as valuable as babies?

Would you trust your fate to the dictates of a person who so blithely dismisses religious morality? One does not have to be a believer to understand the intimate connection between religion and liberty, about which I have written here and here. Strident atheists of Singer’s ilk like to blame religion for the world’s woes. But the worst abuses of humanity in the 20th century arose from the irreligious and anti-religious regimes of Hitler, Stalin, and Mao.

(Thanks to my daughter-in-law for the link to the WorldNetDaily article.)

More related posts:

Peter Singer’s Fallacy
(11/26/04)
Science, Pseudo-Science . . . , a collection of links to other related posts
Self-Ownership, a collection of links to yet other related posts

Prof. Bainbridge Flunks

Stephen Bainbridge, a self-styled conservative whose conservatism seems to consist of adopting certain attitudes, is especially irritating about the war in Iraq. Instead of figuring it out for himself, he asks:

But why single out Iraq? Pakistan had the bomb, a government with suspicious ties to the Taliban, a security service reportedly riddled with Islamofascist sympathizers, a chief of the nuclear program peddling secrets and technology to rogue regimes worldwide, and uncontrolled tribal areas that probably still are harboring Osama.

Or what of the mad mullahs of Tehran? Iran was pursuing WMDs. And a missile program. Iran had known links to terrorist groups, especially Hezbollah. Why not choose them instead of Iraq? . . .

Out of all the totalitarian regimes in the Middle East, why pick Iraq? A democratic Saudi Arabia might stop using its vast wealth to finance Wahhabist Islam. (Anybody remember that most of the 9/11 bombers were Saudis?) A democratic Iran might stop funding terrorist groups attacking Israel.

In sum, you could make Bush’s case for war as against any number of rogue regimes. Why single out Iraq?

Iraq was the easiest target. The invasion of Iraq gave the U.S. a strategic toe-hold in the Middle East, from which Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and (yes) Syria are within easy reach. The invasion of Iraq sent a message to those regimes, a message that has been heeded to some extent by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.

The invasion of Iraq, I have always believed, was mainly an excuse for gaining that strategic toe-hold in a region of vital national interest. But that sort of candor is politically incorrect — imagine the outrage if Bush simply admitted the truth of the matter. And so Bush has had to pussy-foot around the truth by talking about Saddam’s inhumanity, the potential threat from Iraq, and its persistent violation of UN resolutions. Bainbridge could see all of that if he were willing to, but he’d rather play neo-isolationist word games and indulge in wine snobbery.

A False Dichotomy

Timothy Sandefur ends an insightful review of the chief justiceship of William Rehnquist on this note:

American constitutional law is caught in a bind between those who believe that individuals derive their significance and their rights from the permissions of the majority, and those who believe that people have certain inalienable rights which government exists to respect.

Sandefur and I once clashed over the origin and essence of rights. I later published (here) my case for a consequentialist view of rights. In brief, Sandefur’s dichotomy is false because he resorts to the concept of inalienable rights.

The rights that we actually enjoy do derive from “the permissions of the majority” or, more accurately, from the permissions of the state, which may or not reflect the views of the majority. The rights that we should enjoy are not inalienable; that is, they are not in our genes, in our character, or gifts from heaven. The rights that we should enjoy are the rights that would make everyone better off if they were honored — everyone but predators and parasites, that is. It is that latter set of rights which the Founders and Framers sought, through war and politics, to deliver via the American state. The rights that we actually enjoy, however, are not the rights envisioned by the Founders and Framers because most Americans — not understanding the consequences of their actions — have sold those rights to the state in return for a false sense of security.